Πέμπτη, 10 Μαρ 2011 |
Φ.900α/8387/11630/10 Μαρ. 2011 Σε απάντηση της ερώτησης που κατέθεσε ο Βουλευτής κ. Κωστής Αΐβαλιώτης προς τον Υπουργό Εθνικής Άμυνας με θέμα τα εξελιγμένα μη επανδρωμένα αεροσκάφη (ΜΕΑ) κατασκευής Κ.Ε.Α. σας γνωρίζω τα ακόλουθα σύμφωνα με τα στοιχεία που τέθηκαν υπ’ όψιν μου: Σύμφωνα με την Υπουργική Απόφαση της 21ης Δεκ. 2005 αποφασίστηκε η υλοποίηση του προγράμματος ΜΕΑ «ΠΗΓΑΣΟΣ ΙΙ» σε δύο φάσεις Α΄ και Β΄. Η Α΄ Φάση προέβλεπε την αναβάθμιση του αρχικού συστήματος και η Β΄ Φάση την παραγωγή τριών (3) επιπλέον συστημάτων. Η Α΄ Φάση έχει περατωθεί και η 131 ΣΜ διαθέτει ένα (1) σύστημα ΜΕΑ «ΠΗΓΑΣΟΣ ΙΙ». O Σ.Ξ. διαθέτει 4 συστήματα μη επανδρωμένων αεροσκαφών (UAVs) τα οποία προμηθεύτηκε από φορέα του εξωτερικού ακολουθώντας τις διαδικασίες που προβλέπονται από τον Εθνικό Αμυντικό Σχεδιασμό (ΕΑΣ) και την ισχύουσα νομοθεσία. Τώρα πλέον όλο το πρόγραμμα εξοπλισμών αντιμετωπίζεται διακλαδικά και οι προτεραιότητες προτείνονται από τον Α/ΓΕΕΘΑ στο πλαίσιο των προβλέψεων του ν. 3883/2010 (άρθρα 72-76) Ερώτηση 11312/16-02-2011 της Βουλής των Ελλήνων Το Κ.Ε.Α. κατασκεύασε ήδη 10 πολύ εξελιγμένα μη επανδρωμένα αεροσκάφη (με κινητήρες ισραηλινής προέλευσης) και με κόστος αγοράς που κινείται στα 300.000 ευρώ, ενώ τα ανταγωνιστικά αεροσκάφη που παράγονται σε άλλες χώρες έχουν κόστος αγοράς έως και 15 φορές μεγαλύτερο. Κατόπιν τούτου ερωτάσθε 1. Θα παραγγελθεί από τις Ελληνικές Ένοπλες Δυνάμεις, πότε και σε τι αριθμό ; 2. Υπάρχει ενδιαφέρον για πώληση του στο εξωτερικό ; Ο ερωτών βουλευτής Κωστής Αΐβαλιώτης http://www.mod.gr/el/enimerosi/konovouleytiki-drastiriotita/erwtiseis/3836-mi-epandromena-aeroskafi.html |
By Dr. Richard Weitz
01/02/2011 – In recent years, the main form of U.S. military operation in Pakistan, Yemen, and other terrorist havens has been the missiles launched from Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs). These remotely piloted armed drones are widely known to be operated by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the U.S. Department of Defense (DoD). They launch rapid missile attacks on high-value terrorist targets, selecting their targets on the basis of human and signal intelligence.
Although the UAVs often operate with the consent of the host government, who seek to direct the attacks against their violent domestic opponents and prefer the drone strikes to a major foreign military presence or other foreign footprints, they rarely enjoy the popular backing of the people of the bombarded nation.
The Predator UAV was first equipped with a Hellfire missile in 2001. It then used this weapon to kill terrorist Qaid Salim Sinan al-Harithi in Yemen on November 3, 2002. Since then, the most widely publicized attacks have been in Pakistan. Like Yemen, Pakistan is another country where a major American military ground presence would be controversial.
According to various media and think tank reports, CIA and DoD drones such as the Predator and Reaper UAVs armed with Hellfire missiles have killed hundreds of people in northwest Pakistan in recent years. These numbers have reportedly surged in 2010 as the Obama administration has been seeking to complement the increase in U.S. combat troops inside Afghanistan with intensified operations in the Taliban sanctuary in neighboring Pakistan.
An MQ-1 Predator Unmanned Aerial Vehicle launches for a night flight mission over southeastern Iraq, July 29, 2009. The aircraft serves in a surveillance and reconnaissance role but is also capable of firing two AGM-114 Hellfire missiles (Credit: 407th Expeditionary Group Public Affairs, 8/15/09)
This trend will likely continue as the Administration strives to meet its metrics for success by the time its major review of the Afghan War is complete at the end of this year. The discovery that Faisal Shahzad, the failed May 1 Times Square bomber, had received terrorist training in Pakistan, has exacerbated concerns that Pakistan has replaced Afghanistan as the main state sanctuary of international terrorism.
The options and dynamics of using drones are also discussed in an accompanying piece by Robbin Laird.
The drone attacks are controversial but are still considered the best of a bad set of options by both U.S. and Pakistani officials.
On the negative side of the ledger, human rights groups criticize them as extrajudicial killings since the suspected terrorist is killed outright rather than given a trial. Since U.S. officials decline to comment on the UAV operations in Pakistan, the Taliban and others are free to exaggerate to the media the number of innocent victims they cause. Polls show that the UAV attacks are not popular with the Pakistani people, though the inhabitants of the tribal areas who are oppressed by the foreign Islamist radicals are not really free to express their opinion for fear of retaliation. Experts believe that the number of civilian casualties has declined in recent years due to improved intelligence, stricter rules of engagement, and the use of less powerful missile warheads.Still, the UAVs cannot capture terrorist suspects for further interrogation and cannot acquire other sources of intelligence that might reside at the sites they attack, such as revealing documents and computer files. Confirming deaths is difficult due to the absence of credible witnesses or physical evidence at the site. Several prominent targets have been proclaimed dead only to turn up alive later.
Members of the Tanzeem-e-Islami, a Pakistani religious group often described as the core of the Pakistani Taliban, also cite the continuing UAV strikes to justify their terrorist campaign against the Pakistanis living outside the tribal zone. They describe their bombings, which have killed thousands of civilians as well as Pakistani security forces, as retaliation for the Pakistani government’s allowing the UAVs to operate.
Although most Pakistanis have little sympathy for the militants, polls indicate that they blame the Americans and their own government for antagonizing the Islamists, whose operations had originally been focused on the Afghan-Pakistan border region.
The drone strikes have also led the jihadists to kill many other tribal inhabitants whom they suspect of providing targeting data to the Americans or their Pakistani partners.